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Obenjo Kusanosuke
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PostPosted: Sat May 24, 2008 4:24 am    Post subject: Ii Naosuke Reply with quote


Attention Bakumatsu fans!

A discussion on Ii Naosuke will soon be starting. Consider this advanced notice, so start doing some pre-reading! Wink
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Last edited by Obenjo Kusanosuke on Mon Jul 14, 2008 3:53 am; edited 1 time in total
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PostPosted: Tue Jun 17, 2008 5:33 am    Post subject: Reply with quote
For those of you looking for some detailed info on Ii Naosuke for this discussion, thanks to Dash, I'm now the owner of the book Agitated Japan: The Life of Baron Ii Kamon-no-kami Naosuké : based on the Kaikoku Shimatsu of Shimada Saburo (1896) by H. Satoh.

As the copyright has expired, the entire book can be downloaded in a variety of formats from the following link:
http://www.archive.org/details/agitatedjapanlif00satoiala.
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PostPosted: Wed Jun 18, 2008 1:49 am    Post subject: Reply with quote
Well then, thanks to Dash and yourself!
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PostPosted: Wed Jun 18, 2008 2:56 am    Post subject: Reply with quote
I hope we can make more material available for those who want to participate and read up first. If anyone has some recommendations before commencement please chime in and let us know.
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PostPosted: Fri Jun 20, 2008 4:38 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote
Here is a select bibliography of books that contain bits and pieces about Ii Naosuke that may be of use to those looking for additional material to read for the discussion.

    1. Beasley, W.G. Great Britain and the Opening of Japan 1834-1858. Japan Library,1995
    2. Beasley, W.G. Select Notes on Japanese Foreign Policy, 1853-1868. Oxford University Press, 1955.
    3. Feifer, George. Breaking Open Japan: Commodore Perry, Lord Abe, and American Imperialism in 1853. Smithsonian Books, 2006.
    4. Jansen, Marius B. Sakamoto Ryoma and the Meiji Restoration. Columbia University Press, 1994.
    5. Jansen, Marius B. The Making of Modern Japan. Harvard University Press, 2002
    6. Jansen, Marius B., Editor. The Emergence of Meiji Japan. Cambridge University Press, 1995.
    7. Keene, Donald. Emperor of Japan: Meiji and His World, Columbia University Press, 2002.
    8. LaFeber, Walter .The Clash- U.S. Japanese Relations throughout History. W.W. Norton and Co., 1998.
    9. Sansom, George. A History of Japan 1615-1867. Stanford University Press, 2007.
    10. Shiba, Ryotaro. The Last Shogun. Kodansha America, Inc. 1998.
    11. Wilson, George M. Patriots and Redeemers in Japan: Motives in the Meiji Restoration. The University of Chicago Press, 1992

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PostPosted: Sat Jun 21, 2008 3:51 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote
Just one addition:

Michael R. Auslin: Negotiating With Imperialism: The Unequal Treaties and the Culture of Japanese Diplomacy Harvard UP 2004

(Lots on Ii which I'm going off to brush up on now)
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PostPosted: Sat Jun 21, 2008 4:00 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote
heron wrote:
Just one addition:

Michael R. Auslin: Negotiating With Imperialism: The Unequal Treaties and the Culture of Japanese Diplomacy Harvard UP 2004

(Lots on Ii which I'm going off to brush up on now)


Sweet find, Heron! I need this book. Must have it! Very Happy
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PostPosted: Sat Jun 21, 2008 4:05 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote
It was an amazon recommendation Shocked (They know me far too well Laughing )
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PostPosted: Sun Jun 29, 2008 12:08 am    Post subject: Reply with quote
We'll likely be starting this discussion on or around July 6. Hopefully, those who are interested in participating will have had some time to do some reading.
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PostPosted: Sun Jun 29, 2008 1:40 am    Post subject: Reply with quote
I'm done with the forwards and introductory chapter, which take up most of my Baka Tono special edition 'Agitated Japan' book. I'll also try to read up on what Cambridge History has to say.
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PostPosted: Sun Jun 29, 2008 3:10 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote
Obenjo Kusanosuke wrote:
We'll likely be starting this discussion on or around July 6. Hopefully, those who are interested in participating will have had some time to do some reading.


I'd be interested to know about Ii Naosuke. So, Im ready to reading about History of Ii. Smiling Sammy
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PostPosted: Fri Jul 04, 2008 9:46 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote
Due to a work project that must be completed with a high degree of urgency, I cannot start the Ii Naosuke discussion this week as planned. I now aim to start it around July 12, about a one week delay. Sorry for this inconvenience, but the extra time will hopefully give a valued forum member or two the time needed to complete some reading material on the subject.
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Last edited by Obenjo Kusanosuke on Wed Jul 15, 2009 11:55 am; edited 1 time in total
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PostPosted: Sat Jul 12, 2008 7:30 pm    Post subject: Getting Started! Reply with quote
We're finally getting started! Very Happy

Smoke on the Horizon
To understand Ii Naosuke, his decisions and the far-reaching effects of his policies, we must first take a look at the turbulent opening years of the Bakumatsu period and try to understand the extraordinary impact that the events of 1853 – 1854 had on Japanese society. With this in mind, I’ve written a capsulated description of the situation that seeks to capture all of it as concisely as possible. Please forgive my lack of detail and any omissions, but I want to make sure people get the basic facts so we can move onto the deeper discussions on Ii Naosuke himself.

July 8, 1853 was a day of shock and infamy for ordinary Japanese, not unlike December 7, 1941 was for the United States. Although the Americans did not launch a crippling military attack on Japan, the arrival of U.S. Commodore Matthew C. Perry and his four-vessel squadron of “black ships” in Edo Bay was an assault on the psyche of the nation. For the first time since the Mongol invasions of the thirteenth century, Japan faced a real and imminent threat of attack from a foreign power. While Perry’s arrival was no surprise among the elite of the shogun’s government (bakufu), who knew since 1852 that he was coming, Japan had no clear cut strategy for dealing with the Americans other than to be polite, be vigilant, and to ask that the Americans return next year, as by then the Japanese would be in a better situation to respond to the demands that Japan open up itself up to international trade and commerce. Luckily for Japan, Perry found Japan’s response adequate and soon departed its waters, promising to return early in the following year to engage in meaningful negotiations by peaceful means or by force if necessary.

The situation that arose as a result of the arrival of the American squadron proved to be politically quite delicate and explosive. As the Japanese shook-off the drowsiness from the long, peaceful sleep of the Tokugawa period, they began to realize that the bakufu seemed hopelessly outdated and ill-equipped to handle the situation. This point is best exemplified by the that during this time of crisis, and as the Japanese were still rubbing the sleep from their eyes and trying to calm their fears about the Americans, it was announced that Shogun Ieyoshi had passed away a mere few days after Perry’s rival. Perhaps the shock of it all was too much for the poor man to bear. The burden of leadership and crisis management fell upon the senior member of the council of elders (roju), Abe Masahiro, to deal with Perry as Ieyoshi’s successor, Iesada, seemed hopelessly unable to rule resolutely. Amongst the backdrop of this turmoil, debate on how to respond to Perry upon his return began to take shape. Some advocated that the country should remain closed to the outside world (sakoku) and that Japan should go to war to maintain this long-standing “hereditary” policy. Others supported negotiations with the Western powers, knowing that a conflict would bring about the ruin and humiliation of the nation along similar lines to what had happened in China as a result of the disastrous Opium and Arrow wars. Abe thus walked the tightrope between the different factions and settled on a decision that reasoned a treaty of amity and peace with the U.S. would be more preferable to armed conflict. So a treaty that basically promised nothing except friendship and the good treatment of castaways from shipwrecks and the limited opening of the ports of Shimoda and Hakodate to US vessels for the purpose of re-supply was signed. This temporally satisfied the Americans, and also bought the Japanese some more time as they pondered how to deal with the still unresolved American wider demand of opening the country up to trade. For the Americans, the goal of having a comprehensive commercial treaty signed and in place with Japan became a key tenant of America’s nascent East Asian foreign policy, and to this end, Townsend Harris was sent as America’s first ambassador to the island nation in 1856.

And how would Japan deal with Harris and his demand for a comprehensive commercial treaty? If Japan wasn’t still rocked to its very core by the appearance of the Americans and a sequential parade of other funny looking barbarians showing up with their wondrous yet menacing steam-powered warships, the sudden death of Shogun Ieyoshi and the succession of his inept son, Iesada, something else happened—Abe Masahiro passed away in August 1857, at the still young age of thirty-eight. Things just seemed to go from bad to worse and with Abe’s death, the political storm brewing in Japan gathered strength.

Fire in the Sky
Following the death of Abe Masahiro, it must have seemed for some Japanese that things were so bad that fire would next appear in the heavens as some sort of portent of imminent doom. Besides, wasn’t it the presence of the unwanted Americans on Japanese soil that had caused the 1855 earthquake that rattled the already frayed nerves of Edoites? Believe it or not, but that was a popular belief back then as people tried to rationalize the events that were unraveling the nation’s perspective of itself within the world and its creaky institutions that governed the country. What Japan needed most in this time of need was clear and decisive leadership. The Shogun couldn’t give it. Either could Abe. At best, Abe was a consensus builder and a tight-rope walker whose thinking was confined within the walls of the baku-han system that him and other “enlightened” contemporary daimyō such as Shimazu Nariakira, Matsudaira Shungaku and Yamauchi Yodo had to work. Abe was succeeded by Hotta Masayoshi, who soon found whatever leadership qualities he possessed nearly useless as he buckled under the barbarian demands of trade backed by military might and a growing restlessness among the people, the daimyō as well as the Imperial Court in Kyoto which was showing signs of rediscovering it, too had a voice.

Hotta’s inability to take any sort of decisive action was due in part to the fact that ever since Abe polled all the nation’s daimyō to solicit ideas on how to respond to Perry, everybody seemed to have an opinion and wanted to have their say about which direction the nation should take and who should be named Iesada’s heir. Again, Japan needed a strong leader to layout a clear roadmap for the nation to follow through these tumultuous times. “Leadership” was expected of the Bakufu and its indecisiveness was showing how weak the institution had become over the last 250 years. The voices of discontent were reaching a crescendo and threatening to rip the seam of society apart. Of these voices, one in particular seemed to carry quite loudly over the din and reach the ears of many throughout the land. This voice belonged to Tokugawa Nariaki of Mito.

Questions: Before we set the stage for Ii Naosuke’s grand entrance, would somebody like to tell us in detail about Nariaki and his views on 1) dealing with the Americans and other foreigners; 2) Shogunal succession; and 3) relations between the Bakufu and Imperial Court? Why was Nariaki, as a member of the extended Tokugawa clan, so upsetting to the Bakufu?

After discussing Nariaki’s views, I’ll go into some details about Ii Naosuke’s background, character and own opinions about the Bakufu’s foreign policy BEFORE he was appointed to the position of tairo.
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Last edited by Obenjo Kusanosuke on Mon Jul 14, 2008 4:00 am; edited 1 time in total
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PostPosted: Sat Jul 12, 2008 10:01 pm    Post subject: Re: Getting Started! Reply with quote
Obenjo Kusanosuke wrote:
Questions: Before we set the stage for Ii Naosuke’s grand entrance, would somebody like to tell us in detail about Nariaki and his views on 1) dealing with the Americans and other foreigners; 2) Shogunal succession; and 3) relations between the Bakufu and Imperial Court? Why was Nariaki, as a member of the extended Tokugawa clan, so upsetting to the Bakufu?


In short, Nariaki (who's referred to as 'Prince Rekko' or 'The Senior Prince Of Mito' in 'Agitated Japan') seemed to be the 'anti-Ii' in most of his positions.

1) Nariaki was violently against allowing foreigners on Japanese soil. This stemmed from an incident in 1824 when a group of English sailors landed in Mito (who thought that they were Russians). Later on in 1826, a group of Dutchmen in Edo were also mistaken as Russians. Along with the 1804 visit to Nagasaki by the Russian envoy Rezanov, the Japanese increasingly felt that they were being surrounded by the Czar. This led to the publication of the 'New Theses' by Aizawa Yasushi in 1825-a work that blended together etnic, religious, and nationalist exclusionist thought. Nariaki bought into this work in a major way, and soon requested that the Bakufu allow him to take control of Ezo. He was refused and this rejection caused him to turn against the Bakufu. In no time, he was gathering arms and drilling his samurai in matters of warfare as early as the 1840's, ostensibly in readiness to defend Japan from the many foreign ships that were already beginning to enter Japanese waters in significant numbers. He expanded the Mitogaku school established by Tokugawa Mitsukuni and this became an early 'training ground' for what would become the 'Revere the Emperor, Expel the Barbarians' movement. Since this accumulation of military force made the Bakufu nervous, they questioned Nariaki's true intentions and he was confined to Edo in 1844. However, when Perry's ships showed up in 1853, the Bakufu decided that now was the time to use Nariaki for his stated purpose and put him in charge of preparing defences for Japan. Nariaki wrote "Japan, Reject the Westerners", firmly establishing him as the leader of the anti-foreigner movement. He constructed arsenals in Edo, Osaka, and other major cities, and built the forts of Shinagawa. Nariaki continued to be one of the major leaders of the Exclusion Party until his death in 1860.

2) In the matter of Shogunal succession to Iesada, Nariaki, not surprisingly, proposed his son Tokugawa Yoshinobu (or Keiki, also called Prince Hitotsubashi in 'Agitated'). Yoshinobu actually was the better qualified of the candidates, as he had quite a bit of experience in running the affairs of his branch of the Tokugawa. Yoshinobu was seen by many as a way to bridge the chasm between the main branch of the Tokugawa and the Mito branch. Others supported Tokugawa Yoshitomi (Iemochi) of Kii (despite the fact that he was only a boy) primarily because he was a closer blood relation to the current Shogun-and this was the candidate backed by Ii and Iesada.

3) Nariaki thought that the Bakufu only existed to serve the Emperor, and through the Mitogaku extended this viewpoint to many others. This made him a popular man in the Imperial court, and Nariaki would continuously berate the Bakufu for acting on their own without Imperial sanction.

It's open to question how much of Nariaki's devotion to the Emperor was sincere and how much of it was only designed to weaken the Bakufu and strenghten the power of the Mito branch. Likewise, the anti-foreigner stance was seen by some in the Bakufu as an excuse to undermine the Shogunate. Nariaki was seen by many in the Shogunate as a threat to the established power base, usurping his duty to the main branch. He was seen as a threat despite the fact that he was a member of the Tokugawa Sanke families.
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PostPosted: Sun Jul 13, 2008 4:45 am    Post subject: Reply with quote
Some more on the Tokugawa of Mito:

Although they were one of the 'Sanke' houses they weren't actually in line for succession. The Mito Tokugawa only ever supplied one shogun, I believe--Tokugawa Yoshinobu. Because of this, despite their heritage, they were considered quite removed from the main Tokugawa house.

This is possibly the reason that young Keiki was adopted by the Hitotsubashi, as I believe this gave him more access to the politics of the day and it put him in line as a potential successor to Ieyoshi (and there may even be evidence that Ieyoshi was considering this, but I'm not sure he actually made any clear declaration of succession prior to his death, and his son was considered much more legitimate than Keiki).

Oddly enough, Keiki may have been much more moderate than those pushing him forward actually thought. Still, it was the image of his father, Nariaki, that most people saw as the poster child of Mito politics.

Finally, on top of other issues mentioned by Tatsunoshi, Shiba Ryotaro mentions that Nariaki was apparently something of a letch, and had gained an unfavorable reputation among the ladies of the inner palace. This certainly didn't help him, politically, considering that the women of Edo Castle would have had the ear of some rather important people.

-Josh
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PostPosted: Sun Jul 13, 2008 2:19 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote
First of all a bit of confusion here about the succession.

Iesada (son of 12th shogun Ieyoshi) died without children. There were two possible contenders: Hitotsubashi Keiki (7th son of Nariaki, adopted into the Hitotsubashi household to be their heir in 1847 – approved by Abe Masahiro) age 22 at the time and Yoshitomi, the 11 year old head of the Kii branch of the Tokugawa family. He had the strongest claim by blood, but Keiki’s father and supporters argued that the Shogunate needed to be headed by someone able, intelligent and above all adult. The Yoshitomi party eventually got their way, supported by the fudai daimyo, especially Ii Naosuke. The Court rather favoured Keiki, who had the support of the reforming daimyo, like Nariakira and Matsudaira Shungaku.

Yoshitomi was named successor to Iesada and ruled under the name Iemochi.

If it had not been for the strong opposition of Ii the Hitotsubashi group would probably have prevailed. Hence the violent hostility between the two factions.

Tokugawa Nariaki was quite different from Shimazu Nariakira, even though they were political allies. They both agreed that the country needed reform and that the Emperor should be the (figure)head of a united national government. But whereas Nariakira was enthusiastic about technological advances, Nariaki was much more conservative, and felt that Confucian values and law and order were the remedies to the situation. He had initiated agricultural reform in his own domain in order to keep his farmers from absconding or rebelling, and to keep his samurai from idleness. He said the worst thing about weak and idle government was that inferiors came to hate their superiors and did not fear them. He was essentially a feudal lord who did not want to lose power to any of the three threats that faced the country: unrest among farmers, the increase of Bakufu control, or attack from foreigners.

His response to the Perry threat was to advocate war. Mitô might have been ready for a fight, (which is highly disputable) but it was the only domain that was. Nariaki’s approach was critical and fiery: he gave first Abe and then Hotta a great deal of advice which they were probably sorry they had ever asked for.

How much was his jôi rhetoric? After all, for most politicians it was a slogan they paid lip service too, to irritate the Bakufu, avoid personal feelings of humiliation, win favour with their rank and file samurai, enjoy the luxury of irrationality, and so on. I think all of these applied to Nariaki, but he did put his ideas into practice, building up the military defences of his domain and so on. What would have happened if his son had become shogun earlier and Nariaki had had access to real political power?
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PostPosted: Sun Jul 13, 2008 4:41 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote
heron wrote:
First of all a bit of confusion here about the succession.

Iesada (son of 12th shogun Ieyoshi) died without children...


That's what I get for not going back to my sources before posting. :doh:

Smile

-Josh
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PostPosted: Sun Jul 13, 2008 5:25 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote
I think it's even more confusing because the succession struggle took place while Iesada was still alive, because it was obvious he would not live long and would never produce any offspring. So Iesada named his heir on June 11 1858, a week after Ii had been appointed Tairo, and died on 14th August.

Shiba Ryotaro describes how Iesada was terrified of Hitotsubashi - possibly influenced by his mother.
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PostPosted: Sun Jul 13, 2008 7:05 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote
Okay, then I take that back (and, as I said, need to go back to my sources) it was Ieyoshi whom Keiki was originally being pushed to succeed, as I remember, and then he was later pushed to succeed Iesada (except for the aforementioned issues between Iesada and Keiki, which was the subject of another thread around here, somewhere).

But anyway... back to Naosuke Smile

-Josh
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PostPosted: Mon Jul 14, 2008 4:00 am    Post subject: Reply with quote
Great to see we're underway. Sorry I arrived late at the party.
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PostPosted: Mon Jul 14, 2008 4:05 am    Post subject: Reply with quote
Dash101 wrote:
Great to see we're underway. Sorry I arrived late at the party.


As long as you've brought a bag from Mr. Donut, it'll be OK.
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PostPosted: Mon Jul 14, 2008 4:37 am    Post subject: Reply with quote
Tatsu, Josh and Heron, thanks for the great responses. Very Happy You guys all gave very good answers, and Josh, I knew what you wanted to say! Wink

Dash- you aren't necessarily late to the party. I'll put off moving ahead to the next topic for another day or two as this whole Nariaki issue and his politics are really paramount to the rest of the Ii Naosuke story. If you’ve got something to add, please do so, and donuts are always welcome, even if they are from Mr. Donut! Just Kidding

Also, Josh, based on that excellent dinner discussion we had the other week on the topic of Keiki and what people expected of him, and reading your previous post, I think you started to go in the right direction when you mentioned that you suspected Keiki was more moderate than his father. Do you want to try to elaborate more on this? Please tell us more about what Shiba says in his book, which although choppy at times because of the translation (IMO) is a great book that gives some valuable insight into the politics of the day.

I am of the belief that Nariaki was so bellicose with is anti-foreign, jōi rhetoric and advocacy of armed resistance to the West, that he drove people that we’d normally label conservatives into a more moderate stance. I think this is what happened to Abe Masahiro, and although he was close to Nariaki, I think all of Nariaki’s war hoopla would have at some point forced Abe to take some sort of action against Nariaki in the form of a censure or strong rebuke at the very least had he lived. Nariaki was becoming a source of stress and anguish to Abe as his health began to deteriorate. Perhaps Abe would have even taken a stronger measure, something along the lines of what Naosuke did, as we shall soon see. This is all speculation, but this is how I believe things would have logically developed. To complicate the issue further and stoke the fires of speculation, had both Abe and Shimazu Nariakira had not died prematurely, I think the two would have been driven into a political axis of sorts that included Matsudaira Shungaku as a means of dealing with Nariaki and his “Exclusion” party.

Now I need help on an issue to which the answer can probably be found on J-Wiki, but I am too tired to look it up and translate now. WHEN did Hotta Masayoshi replace Abe as head of the rōjū? I read in one source that this was in 1855, but Abe was still alive and in charge of foreign policy and didn’t die until August 1857. Can somebody please help me out with this issue? It is a minor point, but it is bothering the tar out of me. Thanks!
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PostPosted: Mon Jul 14, 2008 5:01 am    Post subject: Reply with quote
Obenjo Kusanosuke wrote:
WHEN did Hotta Masayoshi replace Abe as head of the rōjū? I read in one source that this was in 1855, but Abe was still alive and in charge of foreign policy and didn’t die until August 1857. Can somebody please help me out with this issue?

J-Wiki:
on Abe
孤立を恐れた正弘は10月、開国派の堀田正睦を老中に起用して老中首座を譲り
Fearing isolation, in the 10th month (of 1855) he made Hotta Masayoshi roju and yielded to him the position of head.

on Hotta
(Hotta had become roju in 1837年 but resigned in 1843.)

その後、安政2年(1855年)に阿部正弘の推挙を受けて再び老中になる。そして正弘から老中首座を譲られ、外国掛老中を兼ねた。安政3年(1856年)、島津家から将軍・徳川家定に輿入れした篤姫の名を憚り、正睦と改名する。
After that, in Ansei 2 (1855) on the recomendation of Abe Masahiro he again became roju. Masahiro yielded him the position of head of the roju, and Masayoshi held that position along with that of roju in charge of foreign affairs. His name then was Masaatsu, but in 1856 he changed his name to Masayoshi out of respect for Atsu-hime.
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PostPosted: Mon Jul 14, 2008 5:07 am    Post subject: Reply with quote
Bethetsu wrote:
Obenjo Kusanosuke wrote:
WHEN did Hotta Masayoshi replace Abe as head of the rōjū? I read in one source that this was in 1855, but Abe was still alive and in charge of foreign policy and didn’t die until August 1857. Can somebody please help me out with this issue?

J-Wiki:
on Abe
孤立を恐れた正弘は10月、開国派の堀田正睦を老中に起用して老中首座を譲り
Fearing isolation, in the 10th month (of 1855) he made Hotta Masayoshi roju and yielded to him the position of head.

on Hotta
(Hotta had become roju in 1837年 but resigned in 1843.)

その後、安政2年(1855年)に阿部正弘の推挙を受けて再び老中になる。そして正弘から老中首座を譲られ、外国掛老中を兼ねた。安政3年(1856年)、島津家から将軍・徳川家定に輿入れした篤姫の名を憚り、正睦と改名する。
After that, in Ansei 2 (1855) on the recomendation of Abe Masahiro he again became roju. Masahiro yielded him the position of head of the roju, and Masayoshi held that position along with that of roju in charge of foreign affairs. His name then was Masaatsu, but in 1856 he changed his name to Masayoshi out of respect for Atsu-hime.

Thanks, Bethetsu! Very Happy It's been a long, long day of meetings, taxis, trains, subways and shinkansen rides and the thought of trying to make sense of this made me feel even more tired! Well, time for some sleep!

Thanks again and good night!
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PostPosted: Mon Jul 14, 2008 5:07 am    Post subject: Reply with quote
I thought I'd add on to the Tokugawa Nariaki topic. Without getting too ahead of the conversation at hand, his letter to which he submitted to the shogunate regarding his views of how the bakufu should deal with the foreign threat is a remarkable document.

EDIT: I forgot to add that he submitted this letter while Perry and his four ships were still anchored at Uraga Bay in 1853.

EDIT 2: Reference :
37. David Murray, Japan (T. Fisher Unwin, 1894) p. 319-320

It is as follows:

I. The annals of our history speak of the exploits of the great, who planted our banners on alien soil; but never was the clash of foreign arms heard within the precincts of our holy ground. Let not our generation be the first to see the disgrace of a barbarian army treading on the land where our fathers rest.

2. Notwithstanding the strict interdiction of Christianity, there are those guilty of the heinous crime of professing the doctrines of this evil sect. If now America be once admitted into our favour, the rise of this faith is a matter of certainty.

3. What! Trade our gold, silver, copper, iron, and sundry useful materials for wool, glass, and similar trashy little articles? Even the limited barter of the Dutch factory ought to have been stopped.

4. Many a time recently have Russia and other countries solicited trade with us; but they were refused. If once America is permitted the privilege, what excuse is there for not extending the same to other nations?


5. The policy of the barbarians is first to enter a country for trade, then to introduce their religion, and afterward to stir up strife and contention. He guided by the experience of our forefathers two centuries back; despise not the teachings of the Chinese Opium War.

6. The Dutch scholars say that our people should cross the ocean, go to other countries and engage in active trade. This is all very desirable, provided they be as brave and strong as were their ancestors in olden time; but at present the long-continued peace has incapacitated them for any such activity.

7. The necessity of caution against the ships now lying in the harbour (i.e. Perry's squadron) has brought the valiant samurai to the capital from distant quarters. Is it wise to disappoint them?

8. Not only the naval defence of Nagasaki but all things relating to foreign affairs have been entrusted to the two clans of Kuroda and Nabeshima. To hold any conference with a foreign power outside of the port of Nagasaki—as has been done this time at Uraga—is to encroach upon their rights and trust. These powerful families will not thankfully accept an intrusion into their vested authority.

9. The haughty demeanour of the barbarians now at anchorage has provoked even the illiterate populace. Should nothing be done to show that the government shares the indignation of the people, they will lose all fear and respect for it.

10. Peace and prosperity of long duration have enervated the spirit, rusted the armour, and blunted the swords of our men. Dulled to ease, when shall they be aroused? Is not the present the most auspicious moment to quicken their sinews of war?


Last edited by Dash101 on Mon Jul 14, 2008 6:42 am; edited 1 time in total
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